This blog, assigned by Prof. Megha Trivedi, explores Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth (1961), a landmark text in postcolonial theory. Written during the Algerian struggle for independence, Fanon’s work exposes how colonialism dehumanizes the oppressed and corrupts the oppressor. It examines themes such as violence, decolonization, racialization of culture, and the national bourgeoisie, showing that liberation must be both political and psychological.
Introduction
Frantz Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth (1961) is a foundational text in postcolonial theory, exploring the profound social, political, and psychological effects of colonialism. Fanon, writing during the Algerian struggle against French colonialism, argues that colonial domination is sustained through violence and that decolonization is inevitably violent. According to Fanon, violence is not only a physical act but a psychological and political mechanism through which the colonized reclaim their humanity. This view has been widely debated, with scholars highlighting both the revolutionary and ethical dimensions of Fanon’s theory. As H.H. Fairchild notes, Fanon emphasizes that colonialism functions through systemic and structural violence that penetrates every aspect of the colonized society.
1. Colonialism as Systemic and Institutionalized Violence
Fanon asserts that colonialism is fundamentally violent. The colonized exist under a regime of constant oppression, where their land, labor, culture, and even identity are subjugated. Colonial rule relies on armed forces, policing, racial hierarchies, and social exclusion to maintain dominance. Fanon describes colonial territories as segregated spaces, where violence structures every interaction between colonizer and colonized. Physical violence is visible, such as massacres, forced labor, and arbitrary arrests, while psychological violence manifests in the imposed sense of inferiority among the colonized.
H.H. Fairchild (1962) supports this perspective, noting that Fanon identifies the “cultural and symbolic violence” of colonialism, which perpetuates racialized hierarchies and justifies domination. In Fanon’s view, violence is intrinsic to colonialism—it is not an aberration but the very method through which power is enforced and maintained.
2. Violence as a Means of Liberation
Because colonialism itself is violent, Fanon insists that liberation cannot occur without violence. Negotiations or appeals to colonial justice are ineffective, as the system is designed to sustain the power of the colonizer. Revolutionary violence, therefore, becomes the necessary instrument of decolonization. Through such acts, the colonized reclaim agency, dignity, and identity that colonialism systematically denied them.
O. Fashina (1986) emphasizes the ethical dimension of this violence, arguing that Fanon portrays it as a morally justified response to oppression. In other words, revolutionary violence is not mere revenge; it is a rational and ethical act aimed at restoring autonomy to those whose lives have been violently constrained. .
3. Psychological Dimensions of Violence
Fanon’s analysis also focuses on the psychological impact of colonialism. Colonized individuals often internalize feelings of inferiority and self-hatred due to systematic racial and cultural denigration. He argues that violence allows the colonized to reject this imposed inferiority and regain self-respect. The act of resistance is psychologically cathartic; it restores a sense of control and transforms passive victims into active agents of change.
M. Kebede (1994) describes this as the “violence of rehabilitation,” where revolutionary acts allow the colonized to recover their fractured identity. Through violent struggle, they are able to reject internalized oppression and assert their humanity in both individual and collective terms .
4. Violence and the Political Transformation
Fanon also underscores that violence has a creative and transformative function. Decolonization is not only about ending colonial rule; it is about dismantling hierarchical structures and building a new political and social order. Violence serves as the mechanism through which old colonial hierarchies are destroyed, allowing for the emergence of a society based on freedom and equality.
I. Wallerstein (1971) notes that Fanon integrates reason with violence, highlighting that while violence is destructive, it is also purposive. It creates conditions for a rational reconstruction of society, ensuring that liberation is not merely a change in power but a transformation in collective consciousness.
5. Critiques and Ethical Considerations
Fanon’s advocacy of violence has attracted criticism. B.K. Jha (1998) argues that Fanon’s theory risks oversimplifying colonial relationships, portraying violence as the sole path to liberation and potentially legitimizing new forms of oppression if not followed by structural reform. This critique highlights the ethical tension inherent in revolutionary violence: while necessary, it must be guided by the vision of a just society to prevent post-independence tyranny.
Similarly, N. Roberts (1980) situates Fanon in dialogue with Sartre, noting that while revolutionary violence is morally justifiable against oppressive structures, it requires careful consideration of consequences for the emerging political order.
6. Contemporary Relevance
Fanon’s analysis of violence extends beyond the colonial context. His insights into systemic oppression, structural violence, and the psychological dimensions of domination remain relevant in contemporary discussions of racial injustice, economic exploitation, and political repression. His work continues to influence debates on liberation struggles, transitional justice, and postcolonial state formation, demonstrating the enduring significance of his ideas in understanding oppression and resistance.
E. N. Sahle (2009) highlights the spatial and geographic implications of Fanon’s theory, showing how violence structures not only social relations but also territorial and political configurations in postcolonial societies .
Conclusion
In The Wretched of the Earth, Frantz Fanon presents violence as both the foundation of colonialism and the instrument of decolonization. He demonstrates that colonialism is sustained through systemic, psychological, and cultural violence, and that liberation demands a violent rupture to reclaim humanity, dignity, and agency. While revolutionary violence is ethically complex and potentially dangerous, it is central to Fanon’s vision of decolonization. By incorporating scholarly analyses, including those of Fairchild, Fashina, Kebede, Wallerstein, and others, it is clear that Fanon’s treatment of violence is multi-dimensional—psychological, political, and ethical—offering a lasting framework for understanding oppression and the struggle for freedom in both historical and contemporary contexts.
Introduction
Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth is a key text in understanding the dynamics of colonialism. Beyond the physical oppression, Fanon analyzes how colonialism shapes social, psychological, and cultural structures. Two important concepts in his work are Manichaeism, describing the moral and social polarization in colonial societies, and his assertion that “the infrastructure is also a superstructure”, highlighting the inseparability of economic and political power in the colonial system. Both concepts reveal how deeply colonialism penetrates the social fabric and consciousness of the colonized.
1. Manichaeism in a Colonial Context
Manichaeism, originally a religious term, refers to a worldview dividing the world into absolute opposites: good versus evil, light versus darkness. In the colonial context, Fanon uses the term metaphorically to describe the binary division between colonizer and colonized.
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In a colonial society, the colonizers are depicted as morally, culturally, and socially superior, while the colonized are treated as inferior, evil, or subhuman. This rigid dichotomy justifies domination, exploitation, and violence.
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Fanon explains that this division is not just social but psychological: the colonized internalizes the sense of inferiority, while the colonizer feels morally entitled to rule.
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The Manichean structure also manifests spatially and economically, with segregated urban planning, education systems, and access to resources, further reinforcing inequality.
Scholars note that this polarization creates tension that can only be resolved through confrontation or decolonization, as the moral and social hierarchy of Manichaeism leaves no room for equality or negotiation.
2. “The Infrastructure is also a Superstructure” in Colonialism
In Marxist theory, the infrastructure refers to economic structures, while the superstructure includes laws, politics, and culture built upon them. Fanon modifies this distinction to analyze colonialism, arguing that in a colonial context, economic and political power are inseparable: the economic exploitation of the colony directly shapes political control, social norms, and cultural hierarchies.
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Colonization is maintained through economic dominance—control over land, labor, and resources—which simultaneously structures laws, education, and policing to protect these economic interests.
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Fanon’s statement emphasizes that in colonial societies, political and social institutions cannot be viewed as independent of the economy. Segregation, racial laws, and education systems are designed to support and justify economic exploitation.
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This insight explains why decolonization requires not only political independence but also the dismantling of economic structures; reforming laws or culture alone cannot end oppression if the underlying economic inequalities remain intact.
Thus, the colonial superstructure is not merely a reflection of economic relations but is actively intertwined with them, reinforcing the power of the colonizer.
Conclusion
Manichaeism and Fanon’s concept of the inseparability of infrastructure and superstructure illustrate the profound depth of colonial domination. Manichaeism highlights the moral and social polarization that legitimizes oppression, while the fusion of infrastructure and superstructure demonstrates that colonial power is maintained through intertwined economic, political, and cultural mechanisms. Together, these concepts underscore Fanon’s argument that colonialism is not merely an external imposition but a total system affecting the psyche, society, and material conditions of the colonized. Understanding these concepts is crucial to comprehending why decolonization is inevitably a complex, systemic, and often violent process.
Introduction
In The Wretched of the Earth, Frantz Fanon critiques colonialism not only as a system of economic and political domination but also as a cultural project. One key aspect he identifies is the racialization of culture, where the colonizer imposes a racial hierarchy upon cultural practices, values, and knowledge. For Fanon, this process is deeply harmful because it distorts identity, devalues indigenous culture, and perpetuates psychological oppression. Racialization, in other words, is a mechanism through which colonial power extends its control beyond material exploitation into the realm of culture and consciousness.
1. Racialization Denies the Humanity of the Colonized
Fanon argues that the racialization of culture reduces the colonized to a fixed, inferior identity. Their cultural practices, languages, and traditions are labeled as “primitive” or “backward,” while the colonizer’s culture is presented as inherently superior. This binary hierarchy denies the colonized the full humanity of their history and creativity.
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By framing culture in racial terms, colonialism presents human differences as moral and intellectual hierarchies rather than social constructs or historical developments.
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The colonized are taught to value the colonizer’s culture over their own, leading to self-alienation and internalized inferiority.
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This racialized cultural framework is not neutral; it justifies domination by implying that the colonized are incapable of achieving cultural or intellectual parity.
Fanon emphasizes that such racialized thinking is central to maintaining colonial authority because it naturalizes inequality.
2. Racialization Creates Psychological Oppression
The racialization of culture has severe psychological consequences. Fanon, trained as a psychiatrist, observes that colonized individuals often internalize these imposed hierarchies, leading to self-doubt, shame, and a fragmented identity.
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Indigenous languages, art forms, and knowledge systems are devalued, causing the colonized to feel disconnected from their heritage.
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Educational systems in colonies reinforce these hierarchies by prioritizing European knowledge and history while marginalizing local traditions.
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As a result, the colonized are caught in a psychological conflict: admiration for the colonizer’s culture coexists with guilt or disdain toward their own.
M. Kebede and other scholars note that this internalized oppression can persist even after political independence, demonstrating how cultural racialization has long-term effects on identity and self-perception.
3. Racialization Undermines Social Solidarity
Fanon also points out that the racialization of culture divides colonized populations and prevents collective resistance. By defining cultural differences in racial terms, colonizers create hierarchies and competition among the oppressed themselves.
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Cultural practices are judged through the lens of racial inferiority or superiority, fostering resentment, imitation, and social fragmentation.
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This undermines the possibility of solidarity, making it easier for colonial powers to maintain control.
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Fanon argues that overcoming colonial oppression requires rejecting these racialized categories and reclaiming cultural autonomy, so that culture becomes a tool for liberation rather than a means of subjugation.
4. Racialization Falsifies History and Knowledge
Finally, Fanon criticizes the racialization of culture for distorting historical and intellectual knowledge. Colonizers often rewrite or suppress indigenous histories, portraying colonized peoples as static or incapable of progress.
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By associating culture with race, colonial narratives justify conquest, slavery, and exploitation as “civilizing missions.”
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This falsification extends to religion, philosophy, and literature, creating a worldview in which the colonizer’s achievements appear natural and universal while indigenous contributions are marginalized or erased.
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Fanon sees this as an epistemic violence—colonialism shapes not only how people live but also how they think and understand themselves.
Conclusion
According to Fanon, the racialization of culture is a central tool of colonial domination. It dehumanizes the colonized, enforces psychological oppression, fragments social solidarity, and distorts historical knowledge. By imposing a hierarchy of cultures tied to race, colonialism extends its control beyond economics and politics into the realm of identity, perception, and consciousness. For Fanon, dismantling these racialized cultural structures is essential for genuine decolonization, as liberation must involve reclaiming both material freedom and cultural dignity.
Introduction
In The Wretched of the Earth, Frantz Fanon examines the social and political landscape of colonized societies, focusing on how different classes respond to colonial oppression and the struggle for liberation. One significant group he analyzes is the national bourgeoisie—the native elite that emerges during the late stages of colonial rule or immediately after independence. Fanon regards this class as “useless” in achieving true decolonization. His argument is rooted in their inability to lead revolutionary change, their imitation of colonial structures, and their prioritization of self-interest over the liberation of the broader population. Understanding Fanon’s critique is crucial for grasping the dynamics of postcolonial societies and the obstacles to genuine national development.
1. Definition and Emergence of the National Bourgeoisie
The national bourgeoisie refers to the indigenous middle and upper classes that gain wealth, education, and status under colonialism or in the early stages of post-independence.
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They include professionals, merchants, landlords, and politicians who often adopt the customs, culture, and political methods of the colonizers.
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This class arises partly because colonial powers encourage certain locals to participate in administration, trade, and governance, creating a class that benefits materially from colonial structures.
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Unlike the peasantry or working classes, the national bourgeoisie is removed from the daily struggles of the masses, giving them limited connection to the broader revolutionary aspirations of society.
Fanon sees the national bourgeoisie as a class shaped by colonial dependence, which makes their goals fundamentally different from those of the majority population.
2. Economic Behavior: Mimicking the Colonizers
Fanon argues that the national bourgeoisie is economically self-serving and imitative rather than revolutionary.
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Instead of restructuring the economy to serve national interests, they adopt the colonial bourgeoisie’s consumption patterns, seeking luxury goods, wealth, and personal status.
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This economic mimicry is evident in post-independence Africa and Asia, where leaders often maintained the same extractive economic systems established by colonial powers.
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By prioritizing personal enrichment over national development, they fail to address structural inequalities, leaving the working class and peasants in the same exploited condition as under colonialism.
This behavior exemplifies Fanon’s claim that the national bourgeoisie is useless for real social transformation, as it reproduces colonial patterns of exploitation.
3. Political Limitations and Lack of Vision
Fanon stresses that the national bourgeoisie lacks a revolutionary vision.
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Their political ambition is often conservative, aiming to maintain social order and protect their privileges rather than radically transform society.
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They avoid conflict with former colonial powers, fearing disruption to their status or wealth, and are reluctant to pursue reforms that could empower peasants or workers.
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In Algeria, for example, Fanon observed that post-independence elites often sought to consolidate power without fundamentally changing the structures left by French colonialism.
Because of this, the national bourgeoisie cannot lead a true decolonization project, which Fanon sees as requiring systemic change in politics, society, and the economy.
4. Betrayal of the Masses
Fanon emphasizes that the national bourgeoisie often betrays the revolutionary aspirations of the people:
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While the peasants and working class bear the brunt of colonial violence and participate actively in liberation struggles, the national bourgeoisie tends to take power without meaningful struggle, benefiting from the sacrifices of others.
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By aligning with foreign investors or preserving colonial economic structures, they perpetuate inequality rather than addressing the needs of the majority.
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Fanon warns that reliance on this class post-independence can result in neocolonialism, where formal political independence exists but economic and social domination continues under a new elite.
5. Implications for Postcolonial Society
The “uselessness” of the national bourgeoisie has profound consequences:
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Postcolonial societies often experience corruption, stagnation, and inequality, as power is concentrated in the hands of a class disconnected from popular struggles.
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True decolonization, according to Fanon, requires leadership rooted in the peasantry and working classes, who have lived the oppression and have the revolutionary drive to transform society.
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The national bourgeoisie, by contrast, acts as a buffer between the masses and revolutionary change, undermining collective liberation efforts.
Scholars analyzing Fanon, such as H.H. Fairchild and O. Fashina, note that his critique reflects a broader concern about postcolonial neo-elitism, where political independence fails to translate into social or economic justice.
Conclusion
Fanon’s critique of the national bourgeoisie highlights a central challenge in postcolonial societies. While this class may occupy positions of power after independence, it is economically imitative, politically conservative, and disconnected from the masses. As a result, it is “useless” for true decolonization, which requires structural transformation, social justice, and empowerment of the oppressed majority. For Fanon, the revolutionary potential lies not in elites who mimic colonial habits but in the peasantry and working classes who can drive genuine societal change. Understanding this critique is essential for analyzing postcolonial governance and the persistent inequalities in formerly colonized nations.
Introduction
Decolonization, in Frantz Fanon’s view, is not simply the replacement of foreign rulers with native ones—it is a radical process of restructuring political, economic, and psychological realities. However, Fanon warns that when the process of decolonization fails to challenge the global capitalist order, it risks reproducing the same exploitative relationships that existed under colonialism. In other words, even after political independence, the newly formed nations often remain economically dependent and structurally tied to global capitalism, which continues to benefit Western powers. Therefore, decolonization must be examined within the broader framework of global capitalism, where the former colonies occupy the position of peripheral economies supplying resources, labor, and markets to the developed capitalist “core.”
1. Colonialism as the Foundation of Global Capitalism
Before understanding decolonization, Fanon insists we recognize that colonialism was not only a political enterprise but also an economic system designed to expand capitalist accumulation.
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Colonialism functioned as the economic engine of European capitalism, providing raw materials, cheap labor, and new markets for industrial goods.
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Colonized nations were deliberately kept underdeveloped, serving as suppliers of primary goods and consumers of Western products.
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The wealth of Europe, Fanon argues, “is literally the wealth stolen from the colonies.”
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Thus, the global capitalist system was built upon the exploitation and extraction of colonized lands and peoples.
Even after independence, this capitalist dependency does not vanish; it merely takes new forms.
2. Neocolonialism and Economic Dependence
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Economic control remains in the hands of former colonial powers through trade, investment, and aid policies.
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The newly independent states continue to export raw materials and import manufactured goods, maintaining the same unequal terms of exchange as during colonial rule.
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International financial institutions such as the IMF and World Bank (which emerged after Fanon’s time but align with his analysis) ensure that former colonies remain integrated into the capitalist system as dependent economies.
Hence, even after decolonization, the structure of global capitalism ensures that the economic relationship between the “center” (industrialized West) and the “periphery” (former colonies) remains unequal.
3. The Role of the National Bourgeoisie in the Capitalist Order
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After independence, the native elite often takes control of the state but does not dismantle colonial economic structures.
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They imitate the lifestyles and business models of the former colonizers, engaging in import-export trade, tourism, and luxury consumption instead of building local industries.
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This class thus becomes intermediaries between global capitalism and the local population, facilitating the continued flow of wealth from the periphery to the center.
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Fanon calls this behavior a “mimicry of capitalism”, where independence only changes the faces in power, not the systems of economic control.
This prevents genuine national development and locks the decolonized nations into a subordinate position in the capitalist world economy.
4. Decolonization and the Myth of “National Development”
Fanon challenges the postcolonial narrative of “national development” promoted by Western powers.
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Under the guise of modernization, newly independent nations are drawn into capitalist globalization, where “development” is measured by capitalist standards—GDP, industrial growth, and foreign investment.
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This type of development leads to urban elitism and rural neglect, reinforcing the same inequalities that existed under colonial rule.
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Fanon argues that true decolonization requires a break from capitalist dependency, not integration into it.
In his words, if decolonization does not dismantle the exploitative infrastructure of capitalism, it results in “a hollow independence.”
5. Fanon’s Vision of Revolutionary Decolonization
For Fanon, real decolonization is not merely about transferring power but about transforming the economic base of society.
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It should involve restructuring production and distribution, empowering peasants and workers rather than elites.
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The goal is to establish economic self-reliance, national industries, and collective ownership of resources.
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Fanon’s vision parallels Marxist critiques of capitalism but is rooted in the material realities of the Third World, where decolonization must confront both internal corruption and external capitalist domination.
Thus, Fanon sees decolonization as part of a global struggle against capitalism, not just a national or political movement.
6. Decolonization in the Global Context Today
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Former colonial powers continue to dominate trade, finance, and technology.
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Developing countries often experience debt crises, resource exploitation, and labor outsourcing, echoing colonial patterns.
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Fanon’s insight anticipates this: he warned that without dismantling global capitalism, decolonization would remain incomplete and superficial.
Conclusion
In The Wretched of the Earth, Frantz Fanon situates decolonization within the larger global capitalist framework, showing that political independence alone cannot bring liberation if economic dependency persists. The colonial economy simply transforms into a neocolonial capitalist system, where former colonies remain subservient to global markets dominated by the West. The national bourgeoisie, by serving global capitalism rather than national interests, perpetuates inequality and underdevelopment. For Fanon, genuine decolonization means breaking free from capitalist exploitation and building an economic system rooted in equality, solidarity, and self-determination. In essence, decolonization can only fulfill its revolutionary promise when it transcends capitalism and creates a new global order founded on justice and human dignity.
What is the relation Fanon describes between culture and combat?
Introduction
Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth (1961) is one of the most powerful and influential texts in postcolonial theory. Written during the Algerian War of Independence, the book is both a psychological and political analysis of colonialism and a manifesto for liberation. The title itself—The Wretched of the Earth—is profoundly symbolic. It encapsulates the suffering, dehumanization, and struggle of colonized peoples across the globe. Fanon uses this phrase to represent not just poverty or misery, but the collective condition of oppression experienced under colonial domination. The title sets the emotional and ideological tone of the work, framing decolonization as both a physical and spiritual reclamation of humanity.
1. Biblical and Humanitarian Origins of the Title
The phrase “The Wretched of the Earth” originates from the opening line of “The Internationale”, a 19th-century socialist anthem:
“Arise, ye wretched of the earth!”
By drawing from this revolutionary song, Fanon aligns his work with global movements for justice, equality, and human emancipation.
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The use of this phrase signifies a call to action for all oppressed peoples to unite and resist systems of exploitation.
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Fanon’s adoption of it gives the title a universal moral force, connecting the struggle of colonized nations to broader revolutionary and anti-capitalist movements.
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It also echoes the biblical language of suffering and redemption, portraying the colonized as the “damned” or “wretched” who seek deliverance from worldly oppression.
Thus, the title situates Fanon’s work within both revolutionary and moral-humanitarian traditions.
2. “The Wretched” as the Colonized
In the colonial context, “the wretched” refers to the dehumanized subjects of empire—the colonized people who live under constant exploitation and racial hierarchy.
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Fanon describes how colonialism divides the world into two zones: the colonizer’s zone of privilege and the colonized’s zone of deprivation.
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The colonized are stripped of their land, culture, identity, and even their sense of self-worth.
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They are viewed as inferior beings—what Fanon calls “the subhuman” or “the other”—whose existence serves the comfort and wealth of the colonizers.
By calling them “the wretched,” Fanon gives voice and dignity to those historically silenced and dismissed by imperial powers. He transforms their victimhood into potential agency, portraying them as the true makers of history once they resist oppression.
3. Symbolism of “the Earth”
The word “Earth” in the title broadens the scope of Fanon’s message beyond any single colony or region.
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It emphasizes the global nature of colonialism, which affected Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean alike.
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“Earth” symbolizes the shared human condition and the planet itself, exploited under imperialism and capitalism.
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By connecting “the wretched” to “the earth,” Fanon universalizes the struggle, framing decolonization as a fight for the renewal of humanity itself, not just national liberation.
This planetary vision underscores Fanon’s belief that colonialism corrupts not only the colonized but also the colonizer, and that liberation must heal the whole world.
4. The Title as a Revolutionary Call
Fanon’s title also functions as a rallying cry for revolution.
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It demands that the oppressed—the peasants, workers, and marginalized—recognize their collective power and rise against colonial domination.
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The term “wretched” carries emotional intensity, urging empathy but also militancy.
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The book’s opening chapter, “Concerning Violence,” continues this revolutionary tone by arguing that violence becomes the means through which the colonized reclaim their humanity.
Thus, the title is not passive or sorrowful—it is defiant, transforming despair into revolutionary energy. It embodies Fanon’s belief that only through struggle can the wretched of the earth attain dignity and self-determination.
5. The Psychological and Human Dimension
Fanon was a psychiatrist as well as a political thinker. For him, “wretchedness” is also a psychological condition produced by colonial domination.
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The colonized internalize feelings of inferiority, shame, and dependency.
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This mental and emotional “wretchedness” perpetuates their subjugation until they engage in resistance.
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Thus, liberation must be both psychological and political, allowing the oppressed to heal and redefine themselves as free, creative, and equal human beings.
The title, therefore, reflects both the material and mental devastation caused by colonialism and the necessity of collective recovery.
Conclusion
The title The Wretched of the Earth encapsulates the heart of Frantz Fanon’s revolutionary message. It symbolizes the collective suffering of colonized peoples, their dehumanized condition, and their potential for liberation through struggle. By invoking the global and historical dimensions of oppression, Fanon transforms “wretchedness” from a state of despair into a source of revolutionary power. The title is both a lament for humanity’s degradation under colonialism and a declaration of faith in its renewal through justice and freedom. Ultimately, Fanon’s title reminds readers that the liberation of “the wretched” is not only a colonial issue but a universal moral imperative—one that calls for the rebuilding of a humane and equitable world.
Fairchild, Halford H. “Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth in Contemporary Perspective.” Journal of Black Studies, vol. 25, no. 2, 1994, pp. 191–99. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/2784461.
Fashina, Oladipo. “Frantz Fanon and the Ethical Justification of Anti-Colonial Violence.” Social Theory and Practice, vol. 15, no. 2, 1989, pp. 179–212. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23557066.
Jha, B. K. “Fanon’s Theory of Violence: A Critique.” The Indian Journal of Political Science, vol. 49, no. 3, 1988, pp. 359–69. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/41855881.
Kebede, Messay. “The Rehabilitation of Violence and the Violence of Rehabilitation: Fanon and Colonialism.” Journal of Black Studies, vol. 31, no. 5, 2001, pp. 539–62. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/2668075.
Roberts, Neil. “Fanon, Sartre, Violence, and Freedom.” Sartre Studies International, vol. 10, no. 2, 2004, pp. 139–60. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23512882.
Wallerstein, Immanuel. “Frantz Fanon: Reason and Violence.” Berkeley Journal of Sociology, vol. 15, 1970, pp. 222–31. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/41035178.
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